The study of more than 1,000 deposits indicates that the inequality origins for a long time after agriculture | Science

It was Jean-Jacques Rousso (1712-1778), one of the parents of the philosopher and enlightenment, first, first, in him Speech on the source and foundations of inequality in menThe appearance of wealth differences (moral or material) with the progress of complex societies. After some time, in the first works of document Neolithic RevolutionSociologists have established a direct relationship between the abandoning of the natural state, the community of the hunters and the beginning of the Eden. Very simple, they said this was like this: Some planting And animals set humans to territory. From agriculture, the first cities have emerged, in which the accumulation or surplus value has led to subsequent difference between classes, the emergence of politics and finally, the first states. However, in the last 10.00 years, more than 1,000 archaeological places have been published on Monday, about 53,000 houses study, on Monday Scientific magazine PNASWere, and,, and,, and,, and,.. Another story tells: many generations of odds have arisen after humans have stopped Good Rasonian Savage.

Behind Global Dynamic Inequality Project (Gini, for his acro in English), dozens of historians, archaeologists, economists and sociologists. Its goal written by Ruso is the same, but with the tools available to science after three hundred years. Part of the index used today to measure income inequality or wealth in the population. It is a Gini multiplier, and is the basic tool for statistics, economists and politicians. This gin is expressed in the values ​​from 0 (most balanced societies) to 1 (gap between riches and poor). But there is no data on the income or income of the residents Ciudades como katalhöyük. So researchers have set up an indirect way to find out how rich have their homes are in the past.

Ancientist of the Chicago Field Museum (United States), Gary Fainman, co Gini is one of the eleven studios of the project Now published: “Variations in the size of houses may not reflect all the size of wealth variations, but they are a constant indicator of the level of economic inequality that applies over time and in place.” With that idea, researchers studied the size of the ten thousand houses of about three thousand deposits, some centuries after the end of the last glacier. “Stay for my own archaeological field work in the Oxaca Valley in Mexico. It is almost always, the house is large, more widespread with special features and thicker walls.” So it is sufficient to place the plant, although other data (its distribution, physical wealth is found …) also helped to erase the wealth of those who lived. With this approach they were able to compare the evolution of each deposit, but to compare everything looking for differences in the position.

Data from the first cities that appeared in the case of agriculture were in different works: In the Middle East, Anatolia and almost simultaneously at the other end of Asia, the current China and Japan’s east coast. They collected data from other parts of the planet that came to Neolithic, such as East and Central Europe, Pre -Roman Britain or Pre -Inca, Aztec and Mayan.

The first result of this specialty is that there is not a single history of odds, but there are many. “There have been so many things for centuries, for example, inevitable inevitably increases,” Fainman said. “Traditional vision, when big societies are developed with official leaders, or after agriculture, the odds will increase significantly. These thoughts have been carried out for centuries, and what we have found is very complicated: in very complex societies, odds do not stop.” For the anthropologist, there are elements that facilitate or raise its appearance, “But these factors can be stabilized or modified by various human decisions and organizations.”

Therefore, researchers have found that through the ten millennium, there are great differences in the longest human bases. Another important aspects WarSo attend, and it reduces inequalities. One of the works is classified as the houses are in the area of ​​the walls, the walls are indirect sign of warmongering. They have discovered the tendency to identify the presence of residential differences and the presence of conflicts, in particular, the authors write “the main limit of agricultural production when the rule is less collective and the land availability”. However, they have been discovered for a long time, especially in the early period of the database (with the ancient period of 10,000 years), in which the fortified bases provide less than or evenly than the discomfort between their homes.

Professor Dan Lawrence at the University of Durham, many of them, and the first author of the co -ather, cited some instances of diversity. As expected, the Gini coefficient is also in most ancient deposits. “Being the lowest in the hunter of the Jomon period in Japan,” he said. In history, when it comes to well -known complex societies, “We can say that Rome is very uneven: Pompei has a 0.61 Gini coefficient, and Roman Britain is also around 0.6, depending on how it is counted.” However, in cities that originate in the Indo Valley Mohenzo-DaroIt has 35,000 residents 5,000 years ago, they have a 0.22 Gini coefficient. Another example of low inequality in the large cities where British scientists stand out, the Neolithic culture in the current Ukraine has emerged in the current Ukraine, about 7,000 years ago. “They are examples of large centers with a very low gini coefficient, mostly around 0.2”.

The other great result is that the odds have taken its time. In the form of agriculture and cities, most of the archaeological registry had to spend many years, sometimes millennials, thereby the relationship between the differences of neolithic and wealth was evident. The title of one of the studies captures it as follows: 100 generations of wealth equality after neolithic transitions.

“It is probably our interesting exploration: there is a log between the emergence and inequality of agriculture,” said Lawrence, and explains: “From Ruso, when agriculture develops, private property is also obtained and an increase in odds.

There is no explanation for the enormous period of agriculture, and the unequal to everything that comes later. However, the authors are committed to both, they do not exclude anything else or they are not self -execales. On the one hand, they believe that dynamics are related to population and agricultural practices. First, the population is still decreasing and the main limit for production is available. “Over time, the population will increase and land decreases. Under these circumstances, there are more opportunities for conflict, winners and losers,” Lawrence said. Other description of the parallel in parallel becomes the weight of the tradition: “The cultural provisions of the balanced societies of the hunters take long to disappear, so the first farmers have solid leveling procedures that prevent the emergence of the odds,” he ends.