Ernesto Summer: “The right of Latin America ends in new fascism”

Ernesto Samar (Bogota, 74 years old) is not the first leftist president in his recent history, but the present president has this recognition, Gustavo Petro. Monthly presidency was recognized between 1994 and 1998 -and well -remembered -for allegations The toes poster He supported his campaign. He did not prevent him from becoming one of the most working politicians for Latin American integration – not just from Unsur, where he received more progressive positions than he ruled between 2014 and 2017.

Samar is visiting Mexico this week to attend the Morena event, the President of the President of the President of the Claudia Sheenbam, and she also met. The former president is talking about left -wing challenges in this area, progressing very serious rights and Trump’s second tenureWhen defeating any compromise statement about Petro or Venezuela. He has never lost the chance to give the dose of humor in his conversations: “I must be president with a lot of trouble, but I enjoy the former presidency. I feel good former president. Without being a president, it is an ideal situation.”

Ask. Two years ago, in Last interview with El PaceHe said that Lula would consolidate the progress of progress; Proposals of progressive sector in Latin America are clear; Petro changed the political spectrum and Nicholas Maduro was an excellent negotiator. Still thinking the same?

Answer. I think there are new factors and threats that I have not seen in Latin America two years ago, which started with the right -wing process and ended in a kind of new fascism in Latin America.

P. What lessons are these left Trump first 100 days What about Latin America?

R. Against what most people think, Trump has opened an opportunity and we do not know how to take its advantage. On the issue of free trade, there are countries that rethink the relationship with the United States. In addition, the boycott of immigrants, the passage of laws, causes a review of the American concept in the area. A person returns to kicks and handicrafts, without giving him the right to protect himself, and with a broken family, producing a nationality that is useful for reforming immigrants in Latin America. There are countries, I don’t want to say what, in which the treatment of immigrants is not very different from the United States.

P. Do you think the anti -imperialist lecture is still valid or that the rotoric resource against the true challenges in this area is old?

R. In recent years, the anti -American concept has been intoxicated. Of Gringos and Yearwis go home It is no longer visible on the walls. But the treatment given to immigrants is the seeded of new anti -American anti -American feeling, in which it is structured, and I speak it in a good sense, we have lost nationalism.

P. Trump has a three -ram in Latin America: Javier Miley (Argentina), Daniel Nobova (Ecuador) and Naib Bookle (El Salvador). What role should the Left be in front of these leaders?

R. Miley, Bolsonoro o Get up The son Zombies Digital, Latin American style leaders are not leaders, with vitality and power, with the ability to attract people. They are just digital products. Bolsonoro, who tried for a blow, or the bookel, who turned his country into a prison, would not leave the historical path to get proud of them.

P. What do you think of the axes of Trump policy towards Latin America?

R. This is a controversial approach as the first. What’s new is that it has begun to ventilate the territorial dominant arguments we have not seen in this area or in the world for many years. Despite all that, I don’t think we will be the one who comes to Trump. Trump will be transcar in America. Trump’s phenomenon is in the United States. He plays the fibers range, and in other conditions, Punta’s hair keeps the normal gringo.

P. Do you want to include Latin American leftist and have any sophisticated project?

R. On the left there are ideological gravitational axes: there is a social inclusion, which sometimes confuse with anti -deconement. We are very damaged Vokismo, We all know when trying to share the protection of minorities, and the class difference is to unite them. We cannot continue to speak against the Neoliberal model without proposing an alternative. From the IDB, the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund we need a different regional economic structure. I think there is the ideological basis of the arguments that we still share, but what we fail is on the way to make politics. We have left on the network, as it is more effective on the right, and it has a lot of effective raw material: fears, fears, hatred, and revenge. It is shown that these negative emotions are more likely to call people more than to sell illusion or underprivileged.

P. But is there any government in particular?

R. I am very important to the ability to maintain social resistance and popular resistance. And I don’t make it irritated. There have been real powers that occupy the progressive parties that have occupied earlier: the media and the economic monopoly have purchased their media and put them in their interests. Judges and prosecutors are in service Laughter Against progressive leaders. Despite all that happened, only those parties or government projects were able to create a social and popular support base that could face the right of the elites. In Mexico, Moreena achieved a strong popular support base, with no doubt. I still have it Lula. Although I have seen the difficulties in Colombia, Petro, perhaps he is unable to put the heir, cannot be ignored that it can eventually be 25% or 30% support for the candidate.

P. What is the main ideological challenge of the Left?

R. He is Vokismo This has reduced us to a kind of minority tribes. Inequality is a structural phenomenon that is historical, cultural, but above all, social and property roots. It is the gaps, the field and the city gap, the gender, the digital problem. All you have to do is close those gaps and the Left cannot lose attention. You need to close the laws, not just by legal actions or cultural identities and by sharing each other less. If any uniting a domestic woman or Afro of Pacific, all of them are the conditions of inequality.

P. To what extent is the restructuring of the Left Leadership in Latin America?

R. We, I have added myself, unfortunately we have fallen into the patron of Latin American progressive Cadilismo. If you ask me what important political change in Latin America, I will tell you how to go to a kind of semiporatorial government from the old presidency. The Cadilista leadership has uplifted the leaders of the country, but the government has left the bad leaders. It is very difficult to get out of my colleagues and people who have helped me get out of political scenes and help us.

P. Is there a real place for self -criticism in left -wing projects in Latin America?

R. No, theoretical polarity has postponed all self -critical processes, including an inner form. But if you have to claim any leftist, I think there is still the possibility of selling alternatives. The right to keep us in a pragmatic man who created new ways of social inclusion. I believe that people are still permeable to those messages.

P. How is the Gustavo Petro government value in Colombia?

R. I have supported the Petro’s project more than the government, because I have differences with the government and are similar to the project. First, I think this is a progressive project that supports social reforms, Latin American integration and peace. I regret to support those three factors.

P. How are those three elements?

R. All are bad. On the issue of Latin American Integration, Columbia’s last year of Petro, presidency At that time De La Selock of the Andian Community … is likely to make an impression on consolidation. It’s not easy, but we leave a question there. When it comes to social reforms, he allowed the health reform to eat all the rest. On the issue of peace, the initial logic is valid that only one should not have a house with ten fires and not only turn off. It leaves some important things, peace should be terrestrial, which is no longer national. And we need to highlight positive things. People who have never done it have come to the government if it is not the Left Project. Secondly, the institutional reiterate of the country’s organization is that the government is in Colombia, there is parliament, there are cuts, regulatory bodies, armed forces do not come into rebel adventures. Third, international politics before Brazil and Mexico, now Colombia is referred to a point.

P. He also said that new people came to the government and that one would also follow the people who would mean that there was no left -wing project Armando Benedetti. How do you explain that you have a lot of power in government?

R. The description of me is that the only ability to power the historical agreement and emphasizes the political capital of Petro is Armando Benedetti. I think he feels that he is the one who thinks it is valid to continue the political project.

P. The Petro government is an exception or exception that the Left ruled in Colombia?

R. Many people want the government to be good, but somehow somehow sleeping in recent governments. I think this is the impression that we need to think that there are options to become a progressive project in Colombia.